Trapped Lifestyles, And Strategies For Freedom
Moke, tena koe nau I timatanga ai ta tatou nei hui I te ata nei, otira, ki a
koutou katoa, a, tena tatou.
broad themes tend to emerge in any discussion of Maori imprisonment.
The first inevitably revolves around offending and its consequences - the
high proportion of Maori inmates, prison environments and programmes which might
be useful to rehabilitation; the second is linked but concentrates on lifestyles
which create risk and lead to offending; the third concerns justice and
considers Maori imprisonment either as an indicator of the uneven hand of
judicial processes or of the law itself, the fourth theme is about identity,
including the influence of whanau on human development, and the fifth
theme is grounded in the wider arenas of Maori access to society, the
economy, and decision making,
Table 1 Themes Relating- to Maori Imprisonment
Rates of imprisonment
Educational and rehabilitation
Access to justice
Access to te ao
Maori and whanau
Maori in society
Terms of participation in
economy, education, society
discussion has revolved around all five themes
and, rather than providing comprehensive cover of them all, the intention of
this paper is mainly to draw some conclusions about strategic directions which
might be employed to address what is clearly recognised as an alarming waste of
human potential. Despite the title Imprisonment,
Trapped Lifestyles, and Strategies for Freedom, the point of the
paper is not to make a case for the immediate release of all Maori prisoners,
but to suggest pathways which might lead to genuine freedom of choice, and in
the process provide avenues of escape from the trapped lifestyles which condemn
an increasing number of young Maori men and women.
high rates of Maori imprisonment are well documented.
A census of 4,935 sentenced prison inmates in 1997 for example indicated
that of the three quarters who responded to a question on ethnicity, forty-two
percent of females and forty-four percent of males identified themselves as
Maori only. In addition a further
thirteen percent of females and six percent of males described themselves as
both Maori and another ethnic group (European, Pacific People).
In effect therefore, sixty percent of female prisoners and fifty-three
percent of males were of Maori descent; they tended to be younger than other
The Maori over-representation is not new, nor does it appear to be
declining. In successive prison
censuses since 1987 Maori have accounted for a disproportionately high of number
of inmates and between 1991 and 1997 there was little overall change in the
level of representation. Nor are
the disparities evident only in those sentenced; Maori also comprise almost one
half of remand inmates.
similar pattern of imprisonment has been observed among other indigenous
peoples. In Canada Aboriginal
Peoples – Indian, Innuit & Metis are twice as likely as non-aboriginals to
have contact with the criminal justice system and they constitute one-quarter of
the combined federal and provincial inmate population2.
Data from a 1991 report indicated that the national crime rate in Canada
was 92.7 per 1000, whereas the crime rate for Indian bands was 165.6 per 1000.
In terms of violent crime the Indian band rate of 33.1 per 1000 was
almost four times the national rate of 9.0 per 1000.3
Further, as Native Indians move through the justice system they are more
likely to receive a sentence leading to admission to a federal jail, a trend
which may be associated with greater involvement in personal offences than
property offences. Once in jail,
the length of sentence is generally longer than for the non-Indian prison
population, and the most desirable release (full parole) favours
non-Aboriginals. In contrast the
least desirable release (mandatory supervision) is more frequent among. Indians.4
number of innovative programmes have been introduced into prisons not only to
reduce rates of recidivism but also to provide more relevant prison environments
for Maori inmates and greater opportunities for successful rehabilitation.
In the 1997 census of prison inmates, around eight percent were involved
in Maori language courses, many others in personal and social skill developments5.
But the establishment of special units, most recently at Hastings so that
Maori cultural values and practices could form the core of the prison
environment represented a more ambitious attempt to introduce a dedicated
approach to dealing with Maori prisoners. Appearing
to be based on the assumption that offending and reoffending were attributable,
at least in part, to impaired access to a secure cultural identity, the
programme introduced inmates to customary beliefs and practices and prescribed a
modus operandi within which Maori social processes and relationships
could be enforced. Cultural
identity has also emerged as a major focus for rehabilitation programmes for
other indigenous groups, especially First Nations Peoples in Canada where
imprisonment has provided opportunities for a return to Indian culture and
values. Within the process of
symbolic healing, participants are introduced to rituals such as the sweat
lodge, sweet grass, and the sacred pipe. The
customs have rich spiritual meaning. and upon release, lead eventually towards
more active and positive participation in Indian communities.6
there are no evaluative studies which confirm the value of Maori cultural
programmes within prisons, there is enthusiasm for them from many Maori, and
apparently from the Government. The
cultural identity programmes are in line with kaupapa Maori programmes in
health, education, social welfare, and employment, and offer not only an
environment which endorses a Maori identity, but also the semblance of autonomy
and self determination. Obviously
for inmates, self determination is a concept greatly out of step with the
reality of imprisonment, but the underlying message has a decree of validity:
being Maori provides a value system and a framework for living, which can
restore a sense of purpose and positive aim where previously none existed. Maori prison providers have also expressed some interest in
establishing privately run prisons where the culture of the prison, with its
demoralising and dehumanising forces, can be replaced with an environment which
builds on the notions of positive development and the acquisition of a secure
identity. However, one of the
difficulties in promoting a positive cultural identity within the prison
environment is that the overall prison culture, even when reformed, inevitably
contradicts the values and belief systems which form the basis of a Maori
philosophy. Maori understandings of
reciprocity, mutuality, respect for difference, space and time considerations,
and the use of Maori language, find little endorsement in most prisons.
To the extent that the special Maori cultural units will be somewhat
apart from the mainstream prison culture, they may be more effective as agents
for change. But in so far as they
will continue to reflect the punitive attitudes of society, they may well be
embarking on a mission which is simply incompatible with the underlying
rationale for correctional institutions. For
that reason, alternatives to imprisonment such as Kokona Ngakau deserve greater
Rates of Admission
50-60% inmates are Maori
Male and female
Remand and sentenced
Trends are similar to other
The prison environment
Cultural identity important for
Language and culture classes
Kaupapa Maori units
Privately run prisons?
The over-riding prison culture
Integration into Maori
lifestyles have three main characteristics.
First, they involve risk and second they are more likely to lead to
offending, marginalisation, and poor health.
Third, for many there is no escape.
While incarceration in gaol is the most visible form of imprisonment, an
equally pernicious type of imprisonment is to be found in lifestyles from which
there is no escape. Trapped
lifestyles, the forerunners of Maori offending and subsequent imprisonment,
reflect a complex interaction of socio-economic circumstances, confused or
partially developed cultural identities, individual and collective journeys
which have resulted in diminished self respect, and a lack of voice - the
lingering effects of colonisation and political oppression.
lifestyles reflect patterns common to all New Zealanders and, in turn, need to
be seen within the context of national policies and practices.
Alcohol misuse among Maori for example, has escalated in proportion to
changes in licensing laws and an increase in alcohol outlets.
Similarly gambling addiction has emerged as a serious lifestyle risk
since the establishment of the Auckland gambling casino, Sky City, under the
Casino Control Act 1990.7
Maori are three times more likely to become problem gamblers compared to
non-Maori. The new forms of
gambling, (casino based) are expected to lead to greater crime and violence,
co-addictions (drinking, smoking,), poverty, worsening mental health.8
drug use is another modern lifestyle health risk.
Increases in the use of cannabis among Maori have led to public outcries
in two directions. First, there has
been pressure from a lobby group, and some Maori elders, to legalise or at least
decriminalise marihuana because use is widespread9.
They argue that it makes little sense to regard the habit as criminal.
But others, including Maori health workers, predict that Maori would
quickly become the victims of decriminalisation and caution against any
liberalisation of the law. In the
light of the evidence received at a select committee hearing, the Government
declined to reconsider the legal status of cannabis.
"The legal status of cannabis is not an issue that the Government
intends to review. 10
But, realities aside, lifestyles which revolve around cannabis are threatening
the health and social structure of many Maori communities and need to be
of another kind are also apparent from claims to the Accident Compensation
Commission. Maori may be inclined
towards risk-taking behaviour as part of an excessively physical lifestyle.
Certainly the rates of sports injury and work related injuries are higher
and hospitalisation for motor vehicle injuries is around twice that for
Motor vehicle crashes are a major cause of admission to hospital for
Maori people and the leading cause of death for all males and females aged
fifteen to twenty-four years.12
Injuries within the home are a matter of even greater concern. Whanau
violence and its impact on Maori children has been identified as a significant
health risk and this is reflected in the high numbers of admissions for Maori
women and children in women's refuges. In
1997 forty-five percent of women and fifty-three percent of child admissions
A return to traditional ways of understanding the role of Maori children
and a revaluing of the importance of their role has been recommended as the
basis for a preventive strategy. As
well, cultural relevance of family policies and the inclusion of Maori
perspectives in whanau policies is seen as necessary.14
Te Korowai Aroha and Kokona Ngakau are examples of Maori community programmes
which focus on strengthening relationships through whanau restoration and
customary approaches to whanau abuse. Programmes
such as Strengthening Families and Whaiora Whakaruru are designed to improve the
quality of parenting, taking into account the cultural and other needs of Maori
Low health status
Recreational drug use
Injury - motor vehicles
Domestic violence, abuse
The Precursors to Trapped Lifestyles
Trapped lifestyles are the product of several forces acting together. They include socio- economic forces, the development of a secure cultural identity, and the effects of journeys which Maori have made, both as individuals and as members of a group. Closely linked to this last factor is the question of power and the sharing of power. It recognises that Maori marginalisation is not fully explained by socio-economic disadvantage; another factor is also operating: the position of Maori vis a vis the power brokers in New Zealand.
groups of precursors are summarised in table 4.
4 The Precursors of Trapped Lifestyles
Te ao hurihuri
Participation in society and
access to justice
Te ao Maori
Access to secure identity
access to the Maori world
Journeys and voice
Collective and personal
Terms of participation in
Autonomy and self governance
causative relationship between well-being and socio economic conditions is well
Generally, where there is greater choice in housing, education, leisure
activity, and employment, wellbeing and the chances of positive healthy
lifestyles are higher. Unhealthy
and trapped lifestyles are more likely to occur when there is less choice and
the poorest and least educated people have the lowest health status in any
society. Maori are over-represented
on all scores. They fill the
prisons and dole queues, occupy the low standard-housing and are hospitalised
Moreover the pattern of disadvantage is circular.
Those with the worst mental health, for example, have the greatest unmet
In a similar manner, disparities in standards of health between Maori and
non-Maori are strongly influenced not by genetic factors or increased
predisposition to illness but by environmental factors, most of which are
amenable to change.18
By implication, therefore, gains in Maori wellbeing and reductions in the
rates of imprisonment are more likely to come from improved standards of living,
than simply from improved penal services.
Access to Justice
consideration of the prison environment is important, and notwithstanding the
huge significance of introducing programmes which will lead to a more secure
cultural identity for Maori inmates, the high rates of Maori imprisonment are
sometimes said to reflect the impaired Maori access to justice, and even the
bias of the law. Solutions lie not
so much in manipulating the culture of the prison as in rectifying the law and
improving access to judicial processes. Maori
access to justice is confronted by a range of barriers which block the effective
utilisation and uptake of systems that are potentially available and render the
justice system unfriendly and distant. As a result justice cannot be delivered in a fair or even
manner. Among the barriers are
those which relate to costs - despite legal aid, access is costly in monetary
terms but also in terms of time, transport, and courage. Cultural barriers too are real impediments and where the
written word still plays a subsidiary role to oral communication, such
information as is available, is not readily assimilated.
Similarly the relative lack of Maori lawyers involved in legal practice
means that there are still too few to bring about any significant change of
image to the legal system. For
women the barriers are even greater and confidence in the justice system is
In The Maori and the Criminal Justice System; He
Whaipaanga Hou, Moana Jackson advocated a separate justice system for Maori and the
establishment of a Maori legal research unit to ‘foster the study and
development of traditional concepts of Maori law’.20
There was little official sympathy for his views but at the Hui
Whakapumau, held in 1994 to review the Decade of Maori Development, Chief Judge
Edward Durie considered that there was a compelling case for the establishment
of an independent and adequately funded Maori agency to formulate Maori policy
and development proposals.21
Though he stopped short of advocating a separate Maori legislature,
clearly he expected that Maori involvement in legislation and policy development
should not be confined to submissions at select committee hearings or
ministerial goodwill or round after round of Government consultation; rather an
initiating and leadership role based on Maori views and aspirations.
Article 4 of the Draft Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
1993 moves in a similar direction: "Indigenous peoples have the right to
maintain and strengthen their distinct political, social and cultural
characteristics, as well as their legal systems, while retaining their right to
participate fully, if they so choose, in the political, economic, social and
cultural life of the State”. 22
the past decade Maori protagonists have shown three distinct approaches to the
law. They have challenged laws which were contrary to Treaty principles, sought to extend
laws which otherwise ignored a Maori perspective and proposed new avenues
through which they could shape laws. The results have been mixed.
Some laws are now able to reflect Maori values and beliefs.
But their interpretation by judges who have not generally been exposed to
the meaning of Maori customary law, remains contentious.
Apart from Te Ture Whenua Maori Act which provides for experts in Maori
law and tikanga to sit alongside the judge and share in decisions which relate
to aspects of Maori custom law, the judiciary depends for the most part on
British case law.
to separate or even parallel Maori systems on the basis that they will confer
unfair advantages to Maori individuals fail to take full account of the complex
and multiple legal systems which currently exist. It needs to be remembered that there are numerous examples of
laws which do not apply to everyone. Under
the Ture Whenua Maori Act 1993 Maori individuals who have inherited an interest
in Maori land are not at liberty to sell their interests to the highest bidder;
instead they must make the first offer to a hierarchy of 44 “preferred classes
of alienees”. Individual freedom
has been balanced by the economic and cultural objectives of retaining Maori
land for future generations.
a similar manner students at all universities are subject to the law of the land
as well as to the laws of the university. Even
if off campus, they can be fined or otherwise censured, for bringing the
reputation of their university into disrepute.
The same is true for members of the medical and legal professions who are
subject to disciplinary procedures from their own professional bodies
irrespective of action taken in a court of law. Nor does the argument that separate or parallel systems will
create divisions within society, acknowledge the real and harmful divisions
which are only too apparent in contemporary New Zealand.
It could be argued quite convincingly that Maori non-Maori disparities in
all social areas have led to dangerous divisions which a single mainstream
approach has been unable to remedy. Maori
systems (of health, education, justice, commerce) are likely to reduce (not
increase) the gaps.
Access to Justice
Barriers to Utilisation
Lack of Maori participation in
Absence of customary values in
Interpretation of bicultural
Rejection of a justice system
based on Maori customary law
Access to a Secure Identity
is a necessary prerequisite for good health and wellbeing, and cultural identity
depends not only on access to culture and heritage but also on opportunity for
cultural expression and cultural endorsement within society's institutions.
Maori are confronted by barriers on both scores.
Too many are unable to have meaningful contact with their own language,
customs, or inheritance. And too
few institutions in modern New Zealand are geared towards the expression of
Maori values let alone language. Ethnic
identity has assumed increasing importance in the broad mental health field,
not only in relationship to positive health and development but also as a
key determinant of successful counselling outcomes.
The sharing of cultural heritage, a sense of social relatedness, and
symbolic ties define ethnic identity. A
person does not belong to an ethnic group by choice; rather birth23
determines eligibility and emotional and symbolic ties strengthen the
attachment. Ethnic identity can be
divided into an external ethnic identity (observable social and cultural
behaviours such as language, participation in ethnic functions, observance of
ethnic traditions) and internal ethnic identity (knowledge of values and
history, moral sense of obligation to the group, affective attachment to the
a current longitudinal study, known as Te Hoe Nuku Roa, 700 representative Maori
households are being tracked over a ten year period in order to measure their
aspirations, achievements, concerns and levels of participation in Maori society
and in the wider New Zealand society. There
is statistically significant evidence that Maori resources are unevenly
distributed and for many respondents access is virtually denied.
Even though over a half of the respondents are very positive about being
Maori and have some access to cultural heritage and Maori resources (positive
identities), less than a third actually have a secure identity (competent Maori
speakers, regular contact with Maori cultural institutions and networks, shares
in Maori land).25
than one half of all Maori in the study have meaningful access to land, fewer
again actually receive a dividend from land and about one third have little or
no contact with a marae. Nor do
more than a quarter possess conversational Maori language skills or even minimal
knowledge about whakapapa (genealogy) or tribal history.
In other words, because the level of alienation of Maori from their own
resources is high, only about one-third of those in Te Hoe Nuku Roa can be said
to have a secure identity.
to Maori institutions and resources depends on many variables, including the
availability of information, personal confidence, economic factors and place of
residence. A secure identity is not
necessarily the privilege of rural Maori. Many
urban Maori are confident Maori language speakers, have good access to marae, to
Maori land and to whanau. On the
other hand, Maori in rural situations often demonstrate disadvantage in terms of
access to both cultural and physical resources.
all Maori belong to a whanau, the potential of whanau for charting lifestyles
and, if necessary modifying lifestyles, is high.
The exercise of leadership and wise management is critical to effective
whanau functioning. So too is the creation of wealth. A wealthy whanau is one whose members obtain full benefit
from their resources; they will be able to enjoy the heritage of language and
custom; reap profits from land, fisheries, and investments in the wider economy;
and enjoy the gains from their own work, the efforts of the collective whanau,
and the work of their forebears. Wealth
creation first requires a clear identification of whanau assets: ancestral land,
cultural assets such as language; and human capital.
The Maori resource which is least developed is not land, nor maritime
reserves, nor forests, but people. Young
Maori men have alarmingly high rates of hospitalisation for motor vehicle
accidents and each year some thirty-four or so rangatahi aged thirteen to
twenty-four years die through road accidents or suicide.26
Imprisonment further erodes the human resource.
Whether losses come from educational failure, or premature death, or
recurrent illness, or life-long unemployment, or one-way journeys with alcohol
and drugs, or imprisonment, the effect is to rob whanau of the benefits which
can flow from competent, healthy and skilled whanau members.
Maximising human wealth requires substantial changes in attitudes towards
younger whanau members, more positive role models, reduced tolerance for risk
taking, and more ambitious plans for educational success.
It also requires structural changes to educational systems, and measures
of success which take account of Maori aspirations and skills.27
itself a Maori identity is not an insurance against offending, nor does it offer
a passport to good health. An
identity which confines human experience to a culturally safe environment
reduces anxiety and enhances confidence in that environment, but creates
maladaptive coping behaviours and rigidities which are out of place in a
changing, world. On the other hand,
a secure cultural identity derived from ready access to Maori cultural, social,
and physical resources, can provide a strong foundation for wellbeing, the
more-so if it can allow interaction with the other identities that contemporary
Maori must incorporate.
Journeys and Voice
are determined by the past as well as the present.
While socioeconomic circumstances and cultural identity have more obvious
and immediate effects, the health status of indigenous peoples is strongly
influenced by experiences before colonisation and the subsequent efforts to
participate as minorities in contemporary society while retaining their own
ethnic and cultural identities. Colonial
journeys may have led to innovation and adaptation but they also created pain
and suffering from which full recovery has yet to occur.
When there is a loss of the resources necessary to sustain well-being and
a loss of standing in terms of full participation in society and the economy,
choice too is threatened. Maori
experiences of colonisation have not been substantially different from other
indigenous peoples. Loss of
political authority coupled with loss of resources has led to cultural
alienation and loss of heart. Quite
apart from socio-economic disadvantage, political oppression has brought its own
brand of disempowerment. And where
disempowerment is felt most strongly, disrespect for the law confers a
compensatory sense of power. In
other words, Maori offending is a frequent response to a sense of emasculation.
For the offender there is a brief recovery of power; and, ironically,
incarceration provides an opportunity for the power games to continue.
The punishment becomes the cure.
Strategies for Recovery
main point in this paper is that Maori offending and subsequent imprisonment are
related to trapped lifestyles. And
if maladaptive lifestyles are to be freed so that full potential can be realised
then change at several levels needs to occur.
Current patterns of Maori offending underline the huge waste of human
capital which occurs in young men. Quite
apart from personal suffering and loss of dignity, for Maori, and for the
country as a whole, it is an economic cost which simply cannot be afforded.
6 highlights the major strategic directions for change. Of the five strategic
directions, the first two could be called healing strategies, since they focus
on individuals and whanau. But
interventions at policy and societal levels are also necessary.
Uni-dimensional solutions to complex problems will deliver very partial
solutions. Instead, a co-ordinated
set of strategies is warranted.
first strategy recognises that
individuals can make substantial changes to their own lives, provided they are
given the appropriate keys. Breakthroughs
come from surprising sources - sporting success, success in a literacy course,
religious conversion, a tangi. But
more often than not, progress is slow and depends on being able to provide a
philosophy or code of living, which makes sense. Many of the cultural healing programmes in North America and
in New Zealand are successful for that reason.
Individual lifestyle change
Education and employment
Facilitated access to society
and the economy
Facilitated access to te ao
Facilitated access to justice
Whakatau – laying the
affirmation of bonds
Whakatatari – analysis of
Whakaoranga – restoration
Cultural affirmation – a
Access to cultural resources
Access to physical resources
Access to Maori networks
Access to Maori wealth
Improved socio economic
Improved access to justice
Laws which reflect Maori custom
Autonomy and self governance
Maori governance over Maori
Maori policy development by
Maori Crown partnership
can also be mediated through whanau, by way of a whanau healing process.
In contrast to whanau development, where the main task is to enhance
whanau capacities, whanau healing is primarily concerned with the resolution of
whanau hurts and the restoration of healthy patterns of interaction.
It involves processes of appraisal, confrontation, deliberation, as well
as the reconstruction of whanau values and whanau mana. And unlike family therapy which often leads to a concentrated
examination of micro-communication, and the elaboration of underlying feelings
and attitudes, the energy in whanau healing, flows outwards, away from intensity
and raw emotion towards shared ownership of whatever problems are unearthed.
Cultural restoration, relationship building and co-operative endeavours
become more important than assigning blame, or proving a point, or harbouring
smouldering resentments. While
there is no prescribed form to whanau healing, it is possible to construct a
framework- within which the key aspects can be identified as a basis for
It is based on the philosophy that healing is a collective process
facilitated through the exercise of cultural and spiritual values by whanau.
The aims are the promotion of safety, the resolution of whanau
dysfunction, reparation for hurt and distress, and a strengthening of identity.
Key processes in whanau therapy revolve around four
steps: Whakatau - laying the foundations, Whakawhanaungatanga - affirmation
of bonds, Whakatatari - analysis of problems, Whakaoranga -restoration.
beyond healing activities which impinge on individuals and whanau are also
have already been noted. Suffice to
say, it is unlikely that there will be substantial changes to
offending or to the assumption of lifestyles which lead to poor health and
brushes with the
until the terms for Maori participation in the wider society have been
addressed. Those terms
take into account the constitutional position of Maori in New Zealand and ways
can participate in a positive way without having, to submerge a Maori identity
to both cultural and physical resources.
1 Barb Lash, (1998), Census of
Prison Inmates 1997, Ministry of Justice, Wellington, pp. 23-26
2 Wayne Warry, (1998), Unfinished Dreams Community Healing and the
Reality of Aboriginal Self-Govemment, University of Toronto Press, Toronto,
3 James B. Waldram, (1997), The Way of the Pipe Aboriginal Spirituality
and Symbolic Healing in Canadian Prisons, Broadview Press, Ontario, pp.
4 James S. Frideres, (1993), Native
Peoples in Canada Contemporary Conflicts, Prentice-Hall, Canada,
5 Lash, op. cit., pp. 53-54
Waldram, op. cit. pp. 72-98
7 John Tamihere, (1997), 'Can You Afford the High Stakes?', in Compulsive
Gambling Society, (ed.), Gambling as
Emerging Health Issue for Maori, Report
of a Hui held at the Papakura Marae
8 Compulsive Gambling Society of New Zealand, (1997), Gambling
as an Emerging Health Issue for
Maori, paper prepared for the first National Hui on Gambling for Maori,
9 Public Health Group, (1996), Cannabis,
Ministry of Health, Wellington, pp. 22-23
10 New Zealand Government, (1999), Government
Response to Report of the Health Select Committee on the Inquiry
into the Mental Health Effects of Cannabis, Presented
to the House of Representatives in accordance with Standing
11 Te Puni Kokiri, (1998), Review of
ACC Service Delivery to Maori, Ministry of Maori Development, pp. 26-28
12 Public Health Commission, Road
Traffic Injuries, Public Health Commission, Wellington, pp. 10-11
13 Ministry of Health, (1 998),
Family Violence Guidelines for Health Sector Providers to Develop Practice
of Health, Wellington, pp. 33-38
14 Public Health Group, (1996), Child
Abuse Prevention, Ministry of Health, Wellington, pp. 18-19
15 Ministry of Health,(1997),Mental
Health Promotion for Younger and Older Adults The Public Health Issues,
of Health, Wellington, pp. 22-25
16 Kevin White, (1994), 'Social Construction of Medicine and Health,' in
John Spicer, Andrew Trlin, Jo Ann Walton, (eds.), Social Dimensions of Health and Disease New Zealand Perspectives,
Dunmore Press, Palmerston North, p.248
17 Mental Health Commission, (1999), Housing,
and Mental Health A discussion Paper, Mental Health Commission,
18 Alistair Woodward, Ichiro Kawachi, (1998), Why Should We Reduce Health Inequalities? Paper prepared for the
Health Committee. Wellington
School of Medicine, Wellington, pp. 9-10
19 Law Commission, (1999), Justice
The Experiences of Maori Women, Te Tikanga o te Ture Te Mataurang-a
Wahine Maori e pa ana ki tenei, Report
53, The Law Commission, Wellington
20 M. Jackson, 1988, The Maori and
the Criminal Justice System A new perspective: He Whaipaanga Hou, Policy
and Research Division, Department of Justice, Wellington
21 E. T. Durie,(1994), Key Note
Address, Hui Whakapumau, Massey University
22 Te Puni Kokiri (1994), Mana
Tangata, Draft Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples 1993
discussion on key issues, Ministry
of Maori Development, Wellington
23 G. R. Sodowsky, K. K. Kwan, R. Pannu, (1995), 'Ethnic Identity of
Asians in the United States', in J. G. Ponterotto,
M. Casas, L. A. Suzuki, C. M. Alexander, Handbook
of Multicultural Counselling Sage
Publications, California, pp.
24 W. W. Isajiw, (1990), 'Ethnic-identity Retention', in R. Breton, W. W.
Isajiw, W. E. Kalbach, J.
(Eds.), Ethnic Identity and Equality, University
of Toronto Press, Toronto, pp. 34-91
25 Te Hoe Nuku Roa, (1997), Reports
of the Manawatu- Whanganui and Gisbome Baseline Studies, Department of
Studies, Massey University
26 Ministry of Health, (1998), op.
cit. p. 21
27 Annie Mikaere, (1998), 'Rhetoric Reality and Recrimination: Striving to
Fulfill the Bicultural Commitment at Waikato Law School', He
Pukenga Korero, Volume 3, Number 2, pp. 4-14
Mason Durie, (1999), Paiheretia An
Integrated Approach to Counselling, Address to the NZCA Conference,